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Map |
Approximately 76,000 Jews were deported from France
between 1942 and 1944. Most went to
Auschwitz-Birkenau,
where the vast majority were exterminated on arrival. However, in
March 1943 four
trains from France, each containing approximately 1,000 deportees, were directed to
Sobibor. In fact not all the victims of those four
transports ended their journey in
Sobibor - but of those who did, only two
young men were still alive in
1945.
Some 300,000 Jews were living in France when the Germans invaded the country in
early
summer 1940.
Many were French citizens whose families had lived in France for centuries and who were fully assimilated.
Others had come to France, often from Eastern Europe, to seek a better life and escape from antisemitism.
In the
1930’s, many German and Austrian Jews also sought refuge in France.
After the German invasion, the northern part of France, including
Paris, was governed by a German military administration. Most of the rest
of the country (the "free zone") was ruled from
Vichy by a government of collaborators led by WW1 hero
Marshal Pétain and
Pierre Laval.
Alsace and Lorraine were incorporated in the
Reich.
The Jews of France were required to register, and the usual restrictions on owning property and practising certain
professions were introduced, as well as other signs of forthcoming persecution such as the marking of Jewish shops.
The requirement to wear a yellow Star of David was imposed in
June 1942. Jews who had
been naturalised after certain dates were deprived of their citizenship, although many had children born in
France who were therefore French citizens by birth. The
Vichy government
upheld far-right, authoritarian and chauvinist principles, and had strong antisemitic tendencies.
However, when deportations began in
1942, the
Vichy
authorities made determined efforts to protect French Jews from deportation, while leaving the Nazis
free to do as they liked with nationals of other countries and stateless refugees. The Nazis in turn
persuaded some of their allies, such as Romania, to agree to the deportation of their Jewish nationals
living in France. (Italy and
Franco's Spain, on the other hand, agreed to
take back their Jewish nationals and would not allow them to be deported). Jews from occupied countries
such as Poland or Russia were automatically "deportable". Ultimately, of course, the Nazis deported French
citizens as well as other Jews.
The Jews of France were emancipated during the French Revolution, but France also had a long-standing
political antisemitic tradition. The French Count
Gobineau was one
of the earliest antisemitic theorists, and the "
Dreyfus affair" at
the end of the nineteenth century was fuelled largely by antisemitism in the army and other leading
circles of French society. In the
1930’s one socialist French Prime Minister,
Léon Blum, was Jewish. He was kept at
Dachau as a privileged prisoner during the war, but his brother died at
Auschwitz-Birkenau.
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Deportation Camp Drancy |
There was a flourishing antisemitic press, fed by distinguished authors such as
Céline and Charles Maurras (head of "Action Catholique",
which promoted fundamentalist Catholic and chauvinistic values). In France Jews were arrested, imprisoned
and guarded by the French police, who also conducted round-ups such as the infamous "grand rafle du Vél d’Hiv"
in
July 1942. Deportees were escorted to the trains by police or militiamen,
and the trains were manned
by French railway workers until they crossed the border. Even the lists of those who could be rounded
up as "deportable" were complied by French officials. Without this collaboration at all levels of the
French administration, it would have been impossible for the Germans to deport so many Jews - they
simply did not have the manpower to do so.
On the other hand, the French population in general disapproved of the persecution and humiliation of the Jews.
Leading members of the Catholic hierarchy condemned the treatment of the Jews. Monsignor
Saliège, Archbishop of
Toulouse, wrote a pastoral letter
in their defence which was read in all the churches of his diocese (ironically, the outspoken Archbishop
was an invalid who had lost the use of his voice years previously). France’s Protestant community was
particularly active in helping Jews. As in other countries, special efforts were made to protect children.
This contrasting situation was reflected in France’s response to the Shoah after the war.
Laval was hanged, but the apparently senile
Pétain was simply kept in honourable detention until he died.
After over 40 years of indifference, there has recently been a flurry of attempts to prosecute leading
collaborators, such as French police chief
René Bosquet
(who was shot by a mentally disturbed person before he could be tried), or
Maurice Papon who was responsible for deporting Jews from
Bordeaux.
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Barbed Wire & Guard's Bunker |
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Brunner |
The trial of
Lyon Gestapo chief
Klaus Barbie for ordering the arrest
and deportation of Jewish children in a home at
Izieu made headlines worldwide - but
Barbie was famous initially for the arrest of resistance leader
Jean Moulin, who died in his custody.
None of the three Germans principally responsible for putting the "Final Solution" into effect in France
ever came to trial.
Theodor Dannecker, who was responsible for
Jewish affairs in the
Gestapo in France until
16 July 1942, committed
suicide in the American POW camp in
Bad Tölz in
December 1945.
Most deportations from France, including the four trains to
Sobibor, took
place under
Heinz Rothke, born in
1913,
who had previously been a military administrator in
Brest. He had abandoned
theology studies to become a lawyer and was a civil servant before the war.
Rothke
was apparently a workaholic and a ferocious antisemite who disliked personal contact with Jews. He had overall
responsibility for the main French transit camp at
Drancy outside
Paris, but he seldom went there. After
2 July 1943
he was assisted by
Alois Brunner, who in particular became effective commandant of
Drancy.
Brunner was also involved in the
deportation of Jews from
Wien to
Sobibor (via
Trawniki in the early
summer of 1942. He took refuge in Syria after the war, and is probably dead
now - all attempts to extradite him for trial have failed.
Both
Dannecker and
Brunner belonged to
Adolf Eichmann's inner circle of "deportation experts" assigned to several countries;
Rothke did not, but he was just as enthusiastic about deporting Jews.
After the war he became a lawyer in
Wolfsberg, Bavaria. He died in
1966. France never requested his extradition and, indeed, seems to have made little
attempt to find him.
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Letter from June 1942 |
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Letter from March 1942 |
It is not entirely clear why for one month the French transports went to
Sobibor
rather than
Auschwitz-Birkenau.
The Auschwitz Chronicle, compiled by
Danuta Czech, shows that in late
February and
early March 1943 transports of Jews from
Berlin (including some Norwegian Jews) were reaching
the camp. It had been expected that most of these Jews would be fit for work, but in fact most of them were
selected for gassing. Other transports during this time came from Poland and the Netherlands (which also
supplied 19,000 victims to
Sobibor); and on
4 March 1943 Convoy 49 from
Drancy reached
Auschwitz.
However, during the
first months of 1943 the SS and their civilian contractors were
attempting to make the new Crematorium II operational, and this was taking longer than expected. Moreover,
there was a resurgence of typhus in the camp at this time. On the other hand, transports to
Sobibor and
Treblinka seem to have slackened during this period.
Richard Glazar reports that very few trains came to
Treblinka in
early 1943. Most of Poland’s Jews
had either been killed or were being exploited for labour, and transports formerly expected from Romania and
Romanian-occupied territory had not materialised.
Belzec ceased to function as a gassing centre at the
end of 1942. Thus
Auschwitz may have
seemed overloaded, while
Sobibor had spare "capacity". No doubt railway
schedules throughout Europe and military railway and rolling-stock requirements also played a part in the decision.
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Letter from August 1942 |
The Jews on the first two trains from France to
Sobibor were victims of a
reprisal action for the killing of two
Luftwaffe officers in
Paris
on
13 February 1943. The Germans had previously responded to attacks
of this kind by executing hostages or political prisoners sentenced to death, but the military authorities
had come to believe that this type of response was counter-productive. The SS and the German Embassy therefore
decided instead to deport 2,000 Jews, all men fit for work aged from 16 to 65, foreigners or stateless and
of a "deportable" nationality. The commandant of
Paris,
Kurt Lischka, transmitted this order to the head of the French Police,
who was apparently not confident that he would be able to fill the quota easily in
Paris. He therefore passed on the order to the police prefects in the former
free zone, who carried out a man-hunt in the camps and reception centres in their territory and among the
"Groups of Foreign Workers" (Groupes de travailleurs étrangers or "GTE"), and arrested Jews in their homes.
All the victims were taken to the camp at
Gurs.
Little or no attempt was made to separate French citizens from "deportables". Victims taken to
Gurs from the camp at Nexon included Polish and Czech Jews who had fought
for France in
1940 or were members of the Foreign Legion.
One was a 65-year old rabbi. They were given five minutes to pack their bags. From
Gurs two transports to
Drancy
were organised: one of 975 Jews on
26 February; the other, of 770 Jews, on
2 March.
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Jews in Drancy Courtyard #1 |
Convoy No 50: The first contingent, reduced to 888 men aged from 16 to 65, made up almost all Convoy No 50,
which left
Drancy for
Sobibor on
4 March 1943. 136 deportees from
Drancy,
including 66 women, were added to them. The 1,024 deportees included 377 Poles, 268 Germans, 99 Austrians, 91
Russians and 30 Dutch prisoners, a total of 865. The remaining 159 victims were presumably French citizens.
They included
Elie, Marie and Suzanne Levi, born in
Paris in
1929, 1934 and 1937 respectively.
The official destination of Convoy 50 was
Chelm near
Lublin, where some of the deportees were selected for work at
Majdanek before being transferred to
Auschwitz in
July 1943. Four of them were still
alive in
1945. The rest of the convoy was gassed at
Sobibor.
Convoy No 51: The 770 Jews transferred from
Gurs on
2 March were joined by over 150 Jews assembled at the camp of
Nexon. On arrival at
Drancy they numbered
926 men, aged from 16 to 65, the majority aged from 37 to 45.
Once again, many of these victims had fought for France; some of them had been decorated. 73 Drancy internees,
including 39 women, were added to this contingent to make up the required number. The youngest member
of the convoy,
Victor Fiszban, was born in
Piotrkow in
1928. Convoy 51 was also sent to
Chelm, and then on to
Sobibor.
There were 6 survivors in
1945: Two of them,
Mendel Fuks and
Maurice Jablonsky,
said that on arrival at
Sobibor they were selected with a group of young
people to go and work "very hard", and they at once set off again for
Majdanek without entering
Sobibor.
Those selected were subsequently transferred to
Auschwitz or
Budzyn labour camp.
Convoy No 52: Convoy 52 comprised 640 men and 360 women. Over half the deportees, around 700, had French
nationality, classed in various categories: French, French subjects, French by choice, by naturalisation
and French by origin. Many of the victims of this transport had been arrested during a "clean-up" of the
Old Port of
Marseille which was carried out on
Heinrich Himmler’s orders from
22 to 24 January 1943
to arrest "undesirables" such as petty criminals, prostitutes and, of course, Jews.
The 800 Jewish "undesirables", many of whom came from French North Africa, were taken to the camp at
Compiègne. At the
beginning of March
it was decided to deport them, and on
10 March, 786 were transported to
Drancy. 570 of them were French nationals. The Germans were particularly
contemptuous of the
Marseille Jews, whom they called "criminal scum", and
the Jewish leader at
Drancy also complained that they arrived virtually
without luggage and stole from other prisoners. In fact these poor people had been arrested at night and
given no opportunity to pack any belongings. Also included in Convoy 52 were foreign furriers and their
families arrested on
18 March, following a request by
Röthke to the
Paris police. There
were 12 children under 12 and 140 young people aged from 12 to 21. Warned in advance by
Röthke that the convoy would be made up in majority of French Jews,
the heads of the French police objected to taking part in organising the departure of the convoy.
In the end the French police gave in and cooperated, except that at the last minute the Gendarmerie did not
provide the usual escort, which was replaced by 30 men from the German Order Police. The convoy left
Drancy on 23 March, officially for
Chelm
but then went on to
Sobibor. There were no survivors in
1945.
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Jews in Drancy Courtyard #2 |
Convoy No 53: Again, a majority of the 1,000 Jews in this convoy (580) were French. There were also
114 Poles, 56 Hungarians, 49 Russians and 29 Germans. 119 were children aged less than 17. The convoy
was made up of Jews arrested in the
January Round-up at
Marseille and some Jews arrested during a round-up in
Paris on
11 February 1943, plus a few dozen
Lyon Jews arrested on
9 February and sent on
9 March to the camp of
Beaune-la-Rolande as provisionally "non-deportable". The convoy left
Drancy on
25 March.
13 victims escaped in Germany. They were recaptured and transferred from
Frankfurt and
Darmstadt to
Auschwitz.
3 of the escapees were still alive in
1945. When the train arrived at
Sobibor, 15 deportees responded to a call for men who were prepared to
work hard. Two of them were still alive in
1945.
One of the two survivors of Convoy 53 was
Lucien Dunietz or Dunicz.
He was born in
Kiev but came to France to study chemistry at the University of
Caen. He married a French woman, who was expecting their second child
when he was arrested in the street in
Paris in
February 1943. He escaped from
Sobibor
during the revolt in
October 1943. After the war he rejoined his family and they
emigrated to Israel. He refused to speak about his experiences in
Sobibor. In
1965 he agreed to give
evidence at the trial of former
Sobibor staff in
Hagen, but he died of a heart attack before he could do so. He was 53.
The other survivor of Convoy 53,
Antonius Bardach, came from
Lviv (Lwow). He was first held in the camp of
Mérignac near
Bordeaux, before
being transferred to
Drancy, and then to
Sobibor. He said the journey took about six days, with no food or water, in a sealed
cattle truck which stank of excrement because he and his fellow prisoners were obliged to use it as a toilet.
A young prisoner died during the journey. During
Bardach's imprisonment at
Sobibor he did a variety of jobs, including collecting the victims’ personal
belongings and clothes and cleaning freight cars. He was beaten on many occasions, and suffered from hunger and diarrhea.
After the revolt he hid in the woods near
Lublin until the liberation.
See the
List of deported Jews from the French Department Bas-Rhin!
In: René Gutman,
Le Memorbuch, Mémorial de la Déportation et de la
Résistance des Juifs dus Bas-Rhin (Editions La Nuée Bleue/DNA, Strasbourg, 2005).
The Central Database of Shoah Victims' Names
(Yad Vashem)
Photos: GFH
Sources:
Sir Martin Gilbert:
FINAL JOURNEY - The Fate of the Jews in Nazi Europe (George Rainbird Ltd., 1979)
Serge Klarsfeld:
Vichy-Auschwitz (Fayard, 1983 (Volume I); 1985 (Volume II))
Serge Klarsfeld:
Mémorial des Enfants Déportés de France (limited edition)
Miriam Novitch:
Sobibor, Martyre et Révolte (Centre de publication Asie orientale, Univertisé
Paris 7, 1978 - testimony by the widow of Lucien Dunietz
Marseille, Vichy et les Juifs (Amicale des Déportés d’Auschwitz et des Camps de
Haute-Silésie)
Personal communication from Serge Klarsfeld
Danuta Czech (ed):
Auschwitz Chronicle 1939-1945 (Owl Press, 1997)
Jean-Claude Pressac:
Les Crématoires d’Auschwitz (CNRS Editions, 1993)
© ARC 2005