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With the conquest of successive European nations, it rapidly became apparent that
Germany possessed insufficient manpower to adequately administer the territories it
now occupied. A policy was therefore adopted of seeking to recruit local non-German
volunteers, initially to carry out low level duties such as that of drivers, mechanics, fitters,
coachmen, kitchen workers, porters and the like. The recruits served either as
individuals or as members of a group attached mainly to rear-echelon German supply
units. In time, these duties were expanded to encompass the policing of the occupied
territories, including the confiscation of harvests, the seizure of forced labourers,
combating partisans, and the guarding and killing of Jews in the ghettos and camps
of the East. In due course the status of these volunteers was formalized; they were given
German uniforms and their food and pay was increased almost to the level of German
soldiers. Eventually even volunteer combat troops were to be provided from some such
sources. Whilst this policy of recruiting the local populace was evident to some extent in
all of the occupied countries, for there were many degrees of collaboration, it was in the
East, following the beginning of the campaign against the Soviet Union, that the policy
was significantly increased in size and scope to provide the great majority of the auxiliaries
who would participate in the physical process of annihilation. Nazi racial ideology dictated
differing attitudes towards the nations they had conquered, generally being less harsh and
repressive in Western Europe than in the East. Moreover, if a degree of self-government
was permissible to the Western nations, such latitude was inconceivable in the East. In the
subjugated countries of Western Europe and the satellite countries of the
Reich, the
native auxiliaries had emerged as a consequence of weakened or collapsing governments
which retained at least a semblance of authority, whilst in Poland and the former
Soviet Union any autonomy was in the main restricted to the level of mayor or rural chief,
and even these local authorities were closely supervised by the German military or civilian administration.
|
Sochacki |
|
Marchlewicz |
Although Poland provided the largest Jewish population in Nazi captivity, the level of formal
Polish participation in anti-Jewish activities was much lower than in other countries of Eastern
Europe. This was not due to any lack of Polish anti-Semitism, but rather because the Poles
were not deemed worthy of collaborator status by the Germans, and were, to a great extent,
unwilling to become accomplices of the Nazis. This is not to say that Polish collaboration
was entirely absent. The
Polnische Polizei, called by the local population
Granatowa Policja (Navy-Blue Police) because of the colour of their uniforms, were
primarily utilised by the Germans to deal with criminal activities, but were also widely used
in combating smuggling and in measures against the Jewish population. At their peak in
1943, they numbered some 16,000. They patrolled the ghettos and searched for Jews who
had escaped. They guarded the gates of the
Warsaw Ghetto and 367 of them were used in the
suppression of the
Warsaw Ghetto uprising.
From
1942 they were employed in anti-partisan activities in Poland and the Ukraine.
The collaborators were reviled
by all sectors of the Polish underground for their collusion, their moral degradation and their
participation in the persecution of the Jews. Several were executed by the underground,
including the police officer
Roman Swiecicki.
On the other hand, many of the
Granatowa Policja cooperated with the underground
Armia Krajowa, and a few, like the policeman
Sochacki from
Przemysl, and
Marchlewicz from
Otwock, helped to save Jews.
As
SS- und Polizeiführer für den Distrikt Lublin,
Odilo Globocnik
was authorised by
Heinrich Himmler to form
Selbstschutz
(Self-Defence) units from the ranks of
Volksdeutsche youths rejected by the SS. In the period
November 1939 - April 1940, the
Selbstschutz grew to over 12,000 men placed
under the supervision
of the
Befehlshaber der Ordnungspolizei (BdO), the Commander of the Order Police (
Orpo) in
Krakow, and were used by
Globocnik
as his own personal police force. He moulded them into a ruthless body of ghetto clearers and perpetrators of anti-Jewish
atrocities in the
Lublin District. During its short but distinctive existence, the
members of the
Selbstschutz distinguishing themselves with their extreme brutality: shooting, raping and
plundering when rounding up Poles and Jews for forced labour. The
Selbstschutz were the main policing resource
for the arrest and detention of Jews and Gypsies. The manner in which they operated raised such concerns among the
administration of the
Generalgouvernement that on
31 August 1940, the
Selbstschutz was disbanded
and the best recruits transferred to the
Waffen-SS and the
Wehrmacht.
Globocnik, however, took measures to ensure that he could retain his
most trusted lieutenants for the future. They were to provide the backbone of the
Aktion Reinhard death camps.
Within the territories seized from the Soviet Union, the Germans utilised local police
auxiliaries much more freely. These volunteers were called
Hilfswillige (Auxiliaries)
by the Germans, often abbreviated to "
Hiwis". Those augmenting the
Orpo / Ordnungpolizei (Order Police) were designated
Schutzmannschaft (Protective
Detachment) and eventually numbered some hundreds of thousands. The
Schutzmannschaft
battalions, organized by nationality, included Ukrainians, Byelorussians, Russians, Estonians,
Lithuanians and Latvians. Each battalion had an authorized strength of about 500. They were
moved freely around the occupied countries to engage with partisans or to kill Jews. Subsequently,
as German casualties on the eastern front mounted and most Jews had been murdered, the
SS raised military divisions in the Ukraine, Latvia, Lithuania and elsewhere from among these volunteers.
The
Schutzmannschaft became an indispensable component in the destruction
of the Jews. Everywhere they far outnumbered the equivalent German personnel. For example, in
the
Brest-Litovsk area of Volhynia there were
26 German gendarmerie as opposed to 308 Ukrainians. In the district of
Baranovichi,
there were 73 German gendarmerie and 816 native auxiliaries. By
1 July 1942 eighteen
and a half Ukrainian
Schutzmannschaft battalions had been formed, with a further three battalions set up in Byelorussia (Belarus)
mainly staffed by Ukrainians. In places such as
Zhitomir, Korosten, Kherson,
Kakhovka, Uman and many others throughout the Ukraine, local militia formed part
of the killing squads. The militia were paid by the municipalities, often with funds confiscated
from the Jews. Ukrainians were frequently used in the shooting of the families of Jewish men,
so that in
Radomyshl (Radomsyl) for example,
Einsatzkommando IVa could restrict itself to the
killing of adult men and women. The
Einsatzgruppen Operational Report USSR No.88 records
that on
6 September 1941, 1,107 Jewish adults were shot in
Radomyshl while the
Ukrainian militia unit assisted by liquidating 561 Jewish children and youths.
|
v.d. Bach-Zelewski |
SS-Gruppenführer Erich von dem Bach-Zelewski
established a special department in charge of foreign
Schutzmannschaften that dealt
with recruitment and deployment of units for security tasks, guard duties, and labour commando
units. Although numerically fewer, Byelorussian auxiliaries were used just as intensively as were
the Ukrainians, even if, as
Einsatzgruppe B noted, the general Byelorussian population
was incapable of acting on its own against the Jews. There were feelings of hate and anger,
but no general desire to murder.
In all of the
Einsatzgruppen reports there is but a single example of a pro-Jewish act
by a member of the local population.
Sonderkommando IVb reported that it had shot the
mayor of
Kremenchug,
Senitsa Vershovsky,
because he had "tried to protect the Jews." Although there were undoubtedly other unrecorded
cases, it required singular bravery to aid the Jews, for to do so was to act alone and to expose
both oneself and one's family to the possibility of a death sentence. In fact, most of the Ukrainian
and Byelorussian population tended towards passivity so far as the murder of the Jews was
concerned. But if few were on the side of the Germans, fewer still were on the side of the Jews.
|
Stahlecker |
In the Baltic States, participation by Lithuanian, Latvian and Estonian
Hiwis in the killings
was on a much greater scale. During the first weeks of the German occupation, on their own
initiative Baltic volunteers murdered Jews and Communists to such an extent that the commander
of the rear area of Army Group North ordered the cessation of their unauthorized activities.
The first Estonian police collaborators were called
Omakaitse, literally "self-defence" or
Selbstschutz. As part of
Einsatzkommando la, commanded by
Martin Sandberger (see
Einsatzgruppen Trial), which was an element of
Einsatzgruppe A under
Walter Stahlecker, they played an important role in the
rounding-up and shooting of Estonian Jews.
Omakaitse units used the uniforms of either the Estonian
army or the Volunteer
Defense League (
Kaitseliit), often with a brassard reading "
Im Dienst der Deutschen
Wehrmacht" ("In the Service of the German Armed Forces"). The first Latvian
Schutzmannschaft
battalions were recruited from these detachments, numbering initially ca. 3,000 men. The Central
Office of the Order Police headed by
Kurt Daluege was responsible
for their formation and training.
By
1942 an Estonian Security Police section had been created under the command of
Ain-Ervin Mere. On
5 September 1942, they
were responsible for the liquidation of a transport of 1,000 people from
Terezin (Theresienstadt) to
Raasiku in
Estonia. One week later a transport from
Berlin
was dealt with in similar fashion.
By
early 1942, 12 full Estonian police battalions had been created.
The Estonian International Commission for the Investigation of Crimes Against Humanity concluded
that a number of Estonian police battalions were actively involved in the rounding up and shooting
of Jews in at least one town in Byelorussia (The 36th Police Battalion participated on
7 August
1942 in the gathering together and shooting of almost all the Jews still surviving in the town of
Novogrudok), and in guard duties (providing guards
to prevent the escape of Jews being rounded up) in at least four towns in Poland
(
Lodz,
Przemysl,
Rzeszow, and
Tarnopol).
They also escorted Jews deported from
Vilnius (Wilna) to camps in Estonia, and guarded the transit
camp for Jews at
Izbica in Poland.
In Lithuania, many
Hiwis came from the ranks of "partisans", who as part of the
Lithuanian National Front had started an anti-Soviet uprising at the very beginning of the
German invasion. One such group of 600 commanded by a journalist,
Jonas Klimaitis, murdered 3,800 Jews in
Kaunas (Kovno)
and a further 1,200 in other towns. From their ranks, five police companies were formed.
Shortly after the German occupation of Lithuania, a reorganization of these groups occurred.
In
July 1941, many units in
Kaunas
and elsewhere were incorporated into a paramilitary organization, the
Tauto Darbo Apsauga
(National Labour Guard). In
Vilnius and in other
places the corresponding military organization was named the
Lietuvia Savisaugos Dalys
(Lithuanian Self Defence). With their assistance and that of others, by the
end of 1941
about 175,000 or 80% of Lithuanian Jews had been killed. A declaration issued after the
war by Lithuanian Jews in the American zone in Germany concluded: "The small places in the
Lithuanian provinces, without any exception, were erased by the Lithuanians." Survivor testimony
concerning Lithuanian small towns and
shtetls hardly mention the Germans and make it clear
that Lithuanians perpetrated most of the killing, generally without the presence of any German
officials. The paramilitary formations were subsequently absorbed into the
Policiniai Batalionai
(Lithuanian Police Battalions).
By
August 1942, 20 such battalions were in existence, with a
complement of 8,388 officers and other ranks. The battalions had German liason officers assigned
to them and were directly subordinated to the
SS-und Polizeiführer in Lithuania.
After these Lithuanian
Schutzmannschaft battalions had been set up, many units
participated in killing operations in Byelorussia, the Ukraine and Poland. At least two companies
of the Lithuanian 12th
Schutzmannschaft Battalion, for example, were attached to the
German 11th Reserve Police Battalion under Major
Franz Lechthaler,
which was sent to
Minsk in the
autumn of 1941.
Two battalions were posted to
KZ Majdanek and were responsible for executions there and in the nearby
Krepiec Forest.
Hundreds of other individuals served as guards at
various different camps. But even in the killing squads, it was sometimes possible to refuse to
participate in shootings without suffering dire consequences. When members of the 2nd Lithuanian
Schutzmannschaft Battalion were ordered to shoot Jews in the Byelorussian town of
Rudensk, a young man said that he could not kill people.
The Lithuanian company commander suggested that all of those who could not shoot step back.
15-17 men did so, and watched the shooting by their compatriots from a distance of 20-30 m.
The battalion conducted subsequent shooting operations with less hesitation. An anti-Nazi
underground Lithuanian publication asked in
1943: "Do we have to be the
Arch-hangmen of Europe?
The Germans who shoot Jews now will shoot us later, and the world will support them because
Lithuanians are hangmen and sworn sadists."
|
Latvians in Warszawa * |
Latvian
Hiwis were organised under the command of
Viktors Arajs.
By
mid-October 1941 more than 30,000 Latvian Jews had been killed by German police and their
Latvian auxiliaries grouped in
Schutzmannschaft Battalions. One such battalion, the
21st, executed 2,749 Jews on
15-17 December 1941 on a beach near
Liepaja (Liebau). The operation was photographed
and filmed by
SS-Scharführer Carl Emil Strott
(see * below).
In
1942, Latvian police battalions were active in the Ukraine,
Byelorussia and the
Generalgouvernement. Among them was the
Arajs Kommando,
which trained at a German SD school at
Fürstenberg
near
Berlin. Some members of this
Kommando were
sent to
Minsk and took part in mass killings at
Maly Trostinec. In
Warsaw,
two battalions assisted in the rounding-up of Jews for transport to
Treblinka,
guarding the
Umschlagplatz and taking part in the suppression of the
Warsaw Ghetto uprising. In time, more than 100,000 Latvians
were to wear a German uniform.
Having being arrested by British occupation forces in Germany,
Viktors Arajs
was inexplicably released from detention in
1948 and lived peacefully in
Frankfurt am Main under his wife’s maiden name for 27 years. He was
apprehended in
1975 and sentenced to life imprisonment but died in
1986.
The Soviets tried 356 members of the
Arajs Kommando, most of whom either received sentences of 10-25 years
in the Gulag or the death penalty. A number of Latvian Auxiliary Police were also tried, but given the arbitrariness of
Soviet justice, some sentences may have been too lenient and others too harsh. About 20
Liepaja auxiliary policemen were tried as members of the 20th Latvian
Schutzmannschaft Battalion in the
1970's, but although many of the defendants
apparently participated in the
1941 Aktionen, the indictment focused less on
individual guilt than on membership of the battalion, although it at that time existed only on paper.
Karlis Ozols, a chess master born in
Riga
on
9 August 1912, was a leading member of the
Arajs
Kommando.
Between 24 July 1942 and 27 September 1943
Ozols was a lieutenant in charge of a company of
about 110 Latvian men stationed in
Minsk.
The principal tasks of the company were to guard SD installations, including the
Minsk ghetto and nearby ghettos and concentration camps,
to assist in the transportation and guarding of Jews selected to be killed and to guard the killing pits.
They also sometimes killed the Jews at those pits. At
Maly Trostinec,
Ozols killed people (probably Jews) and commanded the Latvian SD guard there.
On
8 and 9 February 1943 Ozols and all of the
110 Latvians under his command assisted the
Germans in killing more than 2,000 Jews of the
Slutzk Ghetto
after transporting them to pits outside the town.
Ozols immigrated to
Australia in
1949, becoming a naturalized citizen in
1956.
He lived in relative anonymity in
Melbourne, until in
1986 his wartime activities
were exposed
by an Australian journalist in a radio programme which also alleged that many Nazi war criminals
had been allowed to immigrate to Australia, often with the knowledge of Australian authorities.
In his
1979 testimony to German war crimes investigators,
Ozols admitted his
wartime role and rank and that he had been stationed at the places identified by witnesses and
documents, while denying any killing of civilians. Despite the production of an overwhelming volume
of evidence concerning
Ozols complicity in war crimes and crimes against
humanity, in
1997 Australian Attorney-General
Daryl
Williams announced that the case against
Ozols was closed. "In the Director of Public Prosecutions' view the existing material
was insufficient and the incomplete case was referred to the Australian Federal Police,"
a statement said. "The AFP concluded that there was little chance of success in pursuing this
case to finality." Subsequent documentation suggests that the investigation was not closed due to
lack of evidence as previously claimed, but instead, as a result of budgetary considerations.
Ozols died on
23 March 2001 in Australia.
Another Latvian,
Konrads Kalejs, was a fellow member of the
Arajs Kommando and was accused of complicity in the
murder of thousands of Jews. His was an extraordinary attempt to successfully avoid justice. Immigrating to
Australia in
1950, he became a naturalised Australian citizen in
1957. Two years later he immigrated to the
United States, where he was arrested in
1985 for misleading authorities about his past.
After lengthy legal
proceedings he was ordered to be deported to Australia in
1994. He then resided for a time in
Australia and Canada before being arrested in
1995 in
Toronto.
In
1997, a Canadian enquiry found that he had assisted in the running of a slave
labour camp at
Salaspils (Latvia) in
1942-43, and
Kalejs was deported once more to Australia.
In
December 1999, the
Simon Wiesenthal Centre discovered
Kalejs living in a retirement home in Great Britain.
During the course of
2000 he left Great Britain for Australia, where in
December 2000 he was
arrested in
Melbourne following Latvia's request for his extradition.
He died in
2001 whilst appealing against the confirmed extradition order.
Despite having accepted that there was substance in the allegations against
Kalejs as early as
1992,
successive Australian governments failed to take any meaningful action until the signing of the extradition
agreement with Latvia in
2000.
|
Askaris in Warszawa * |
Few of these volunteers were compelled to participate in the killing frenzy that followed the invasion
of the Soviet Union. They chose to do so from a combination of nationalism, anti-Communism,
anti-Semitism or simple economic profit. The position of the so- called
Trawnikis, or
Askaris
was somewhat different. Soviet troops who were captured or had surrendered were not given the
status of POWs because
Stalin had not signed the relevant international conventions.
Recognizing the need to supplement his manpower,
Odilo Globocnik persuaded
Heinrich
Himmler to allow him to recruit non-Polish auxiliaries from among Soviet POWs. A section commanded by
SS-Sturmbannführer Karl Streibel, commandant of the
Trawniki camp near
Lublin,
visited POW camps and enlisted Ukrainian, Latvian and Lithuanian
Hiwis. Volunteers were
chosen on the basis of their anti-Communist and anti-Semitic tendencies, although most signed-up for duty
with the Germans primarily from a sense of self-preservation rather than for ideological reasons.
They were offered an opportunity to escape an almost certain death from starvation and promised that
they would not be used in combat against the Soviet army.
In the pre-war years, the Ukraine had been subjected to German propaganda designed to
encourage the population towards self-determination and had been encouraged to perceive
themselves as an ally, with the tacit suggestion that Germany would reward them once the
military situation had stabilized. This deception by the Germans was for purely pragmatic
reasons since they had no intention of offering the Ukrainians an independent State.
Once this deception became apparent, the consequence among the ex-POW collaborators
was a state of mutual mistrust and suspicion. And whilst the Germans were motivated by their
policies of rabid anti-Semitism and genocide, the Ukrainians were prepared to
do their "dirty work" in return for immediate and future reward. It is important to understand the
difficult personal circumstances through which the Soviet auxiliaries - the majority of whom
were Ukrainians - came to be involved at the heart of the genocidal activity in
Aktion Reinhard.
|
Ukrainians |
The volunteers were taken to
Trawniki for training, where they were formed into
units on the basis of nationality. The criteria for selection were age, fitness, appearance, and
a willingness to serve the
Reich.
An added advantage was knowledge of the German language. In
September 1941, many
of these prisoners were scrutinized to assess their allegiance, and when reviewing their fate,
as a gesture of "friendship" the Germans showed special preference for prisoners identified as
Ukrainians. German military documents seized after the war show that by the
end of
January 1942, of a total of 280,108 prisoners released, not a single one was Russian,
but an astonishing 270,095 were Ukrainians. The rest came from annexed countries.
None of these ex-Soviet prisoners knew why they had been selected or for what purpose.
The "volunteer"
Sergei Vasilenko stated:
"
I did so for a crust of bread ... I did not think the
Red Army could defeat the German Army."
Only in
Trawniki were they told that they were
being inducted as
SS-Wachmänner (guards) for military establishments, concentration
camps and operational duties in the Jewish ghettos. There was no mention of death camps.
However, once the Jewish destruction commenced, the Ukrainians were liberally used
in "Jewish operations" – ghetto clearances, the preparation of killing sites, execution
duties, and manning the death camps. See
The Case Eugenius Maytchenko.
|
Pelkinie POW Camp |
The experience of
Feodor Fedorenko, a Ukrainian
and former Soviet POW was typical. Mobilized into the Red Army on
23 June 1941,
he was captured by the Germans soon after. He was held at a former Soviet training camp
in
Zhitomir together with 50,000-100,000 other
prisoners. Conditions were appalling, with little food or water and no shelter. He was transferred,
first to
Rovno, and from there to another POW camp at
Chelm Lubelski, where an estimated 80,000 POWs
were held. Conditions in this camp were so bad that if a prisoner became ill it was rare for him
to recover. The same conditions existed in other POW camps for Soviet soldiers - at
Pelkinie,
Poniatowa and elsewhere.
The first to die were Jewish prisoners, if they had not been shot immediately after surrender.
The prisoners were kept out in the open, in a field surrounded by a high voltage fence. They were
given no food for several weeks, and many starved to death.
In
Pelkinie, POWs were kept in an open anti-tank
ditch and after death, were either cremated before the eyes of their still living comrades or transported
for cremation to nearby
Koniaczow. The extreme hunger led to cases of
cannibalism. As a consequence of the horrific conditions, approximately 40,000 of the POWs
at
Chelm Lubelski died during the
winter of 1941/42.
Only a few hundred of the very strong survived, and were given the option of serving the Germans.
One day at
Chelm Lubelski the Germans selected
200-300 of the prisoners, including
Fedorenko. They were sent to
Trawniki for training. Those chosen were provided
with black uniforms and given rudimentary military instruction. In the
spring of 1942,
Fedorenko and his colleagues were sent to
Lublin to guard the ghetto. Together with 80-100 others he
was subsequently transferred to
Warsaw, and from
there served as a guard on a transport of Jews deported to
Treblinka in about
September 1942.
He remained in
Treblinka until after the uprising in
August 1943, afterwards continuing to serve
the Germans as a watchman in various places. At his trial in
Ft. Lauderdale (USA)
in
1978,
Fedorenko claimed that he was not
involved in the operations at
Treblinka; he only served as guard outside the camp,
had no dealings with the prisoners, and never harmed anyone. But survivors testified that he
had moved inside the camp, had participated in the process of dealing with arriving transports,
had shot people in the
Lazarett, and had been present at the gas chambers during the killings.
|
Marchenko |
Like
Fedorenko, another Ukrainian,
Ivan Marchenko,
had been a POW at
Chelm Lubelski and was recruited
for training at
Trawniki in
October 1941. In
May 1942 he
too was posted to the
Lublin Ghetto as a guard before
being transferred to
Treblinka, where together with yet
another Ukrainian,
Nikolay Shalayev, he was responsible for operating the
motor that produced the exhaust fumes which were fed into the gas chambers, and for
supervising the killing process.
Tadeusz Misiewicz, the Russian-speaking cashier at
Belzec station, recalled many conversations he
had with the ‘Blacks’ (Ukrainians) relating to happenings in the camp:
"
One boasted about how he seized a young Jewish girl by the hair and beat her against a post
so that her spine was broken, killing the girl instantly. When Jews were being driven into the gas
chamber, one of them hit him with a piece of wood so he shot the Jew. Another Jew was tied to a
post and rubbed with goose feather spines so hard that his bare bones protruded. On another
occasion, the Pole, Tadeusz Sloboda, who shared a house with a Ukrainian in
Belzec village, recalled that several Ukrainian guards from the camp came to his house
exhausted and told him that there had been a revolt in the camp. Two wagons of Polish
(non-Jewish) political prisoners arrived to be gassed. The Poles had refused to undress and
ran amok. They were hunted down in the camp and shot. The guards remarked that if ever
a larger transport arrived at the camp they would be unable to cope."
A West German district court described the functions of the Ukrainian auxiliaries at the first
Treblinka trial in
Düsseldorf in
1965:
"
In addition to the group of German staff members, there were
approximately 90 to 120 Ukrainian volunteers (Hilfswillige). They were mainly assigned
to guard duty, but to a certain degree they were also used during the killing operations. In
contrast to the Germans, they wore a black uniform and were armed with carbines or rifles;
the overwhelming majority also carried long leather whips and to some extent revolvers.
Further, the guard units had at their disposal machine guns and hand grenades, which were
kept in a special armoury. Ukrainian troops were divided into platoons (Züge).
These were commanded by ethnic Germans (Volksdeutsche), known as platoon leaders
(Zugführer). The Ukrainians did mostly guard duty. However, they did not only stand
guard at the camp perimeter and on the watchtowers, but under the supervision of the German
brigade leaders they also guarded the various labour details inside and outside the camp. Finally,
they were employed during the arrival and liquidation of transports."
Samuel Willenberg, a prisoner in
Treblinka, described the Ukrainian guards in graphic terms:
"
The Wachmänner who guarded us were Ukrainians
who had served in the Red Army and had surrendered to the Germans... While they disliked
Poles, Byelorussians, Russians and Cossacks, they reserved a sizzling, boundless hatred
for the Jews. The dispassionate murder of Jews was their great joy in life... Their faces
were wholly devoid of even a glitter of sense or humanity; they awoke only to the sound of
wild screeching, and our tragic situation did such wonders for their temperament that they
would pound their thighs in glee.
These monsters were entrusted with the responsibility of guarding and murdering us, and
they fulfilled these duties with expertise and limitless strength. Without getting excited or
batting an eye, they were capable of murdering hundreds of human beings at a time in the
Lazarett. In between transports, one of them would sit quietly on a stool and peer into
the pit, rifle across his lap, as the mass of corpses – our daily harvest of blood – burned below…
The Ukrainian guard would collar prisoners en route to the incinerator with papers and pocket
any gold or dollars in their possession, throwing some cigarettes as payment. Explaining the
transaction, he would stutter in crude, faltering Polish: 'Throw money and I give you to eat'."
The guards had many sources of income, including the warehouses containing the property of the Jewish victims,
which they pilfered and bartered with the local population. Even within the confines of the camp, the Ukrainian
guards supplied food and vodka to "work Jews" in exchange for cash or valuables. Delivering illegal messages from
one part of the camp to the other was another source of enrichment. The Germans had no illusions about the
loyalty of their
Hiwis. "
We were a "pile of conspirators" (verschworener Haufen)
in a foreign land, surrounded
by Ukrainian volunteers in whom we could not trust", said
SS-Scharführer
Erich Bauer, the "
Gasmeister" (gassing expert) of
Sobibor.
Because the Ukrainian guards were so mistrusted they were not issued with machine pistols.
In
Sobibor, the SS withdrew the Ukrainians' ammunition
on one occasion as they suspected treachery. German fears of betrayal proved to be well founded.
On
22 October 1943, while accompanying 30 Ukrainians from
Sobibor to
Trawniki by train,
SS-Oberscharführer Herbert Floss was murdered by the guard
Wasil Hetmaniec, with his own
machine pistol. The other 25 guards escaped but were hunted down by the SS, arrested in
Rejowiec, disarmed, manacled, and returned to
Trawniki. Their fate is not known, but it is probable
that they were executed. In the
Aktion Reinhard camps generally, a number of Ukrainian guards were
summarily shot by the SS for varying reasons. In
Belzec two Ukrainians who offended
Christian
Wirth by loose talk to outsiders were arrested, dressed in clothing bearing the Jewish yellow star, and then
gassed with the victims of the next transport. In
Sobibor, two Ukrainian guards
were shot in front of their comrades. In
Treblinka,
Wirth dealt with the Ukrainians with extreme severity, beating and whipping them
into submission in a way that disturbed even the SS. Ukrainian guards sometimes collaborated with the
Jewish resistance organizations, as was the case at the
Plaszow forced labour camp,
where over 300 Jews and sixteen Ukrainian guards escaped together, and occasionally there was also collaboration at
Sobibor.
|
Demjanjuk |
An alleged Ukrainian guard at
Treblinka,
John (Ivan) Demjanjuk, was the subject of a well-known legal case.
Following proceedings brought against him in the United States,
Demjanjuk's
U.S. citizenship was revoked and he was deported to Israel to stand trial as the infamous
Treblinka guard, "Ivan the Terrible". In
February 1988
Demjanjuk was sentenced to death by an Israeli court. Thereafter he was
imprisoned until
August 1993, at which time an appeal court ruled that there was
insufficient evidence to prove that he was "Ivan the Terrible", who in fact was almost certainly the aforementioned
Ivan Marchenko.
Demjanjuk was released and returned to the
United States. In
1999, the US Justice Department filed a new civil complaint against
Demjanjuk, alleging that he had served as a guard at
Sobibor,
Majdanek and
KZ Flossenbürg. A new trial commenced in
2001,
at the conclusion of which it was ruled that the case against him had been proven. On
1 May 2004, a judgement was entered that
Demjanjuk
should be stripped of his US citizenship (again). By that time 84 years of age,
Demjanjuk vowed to appeal against the ruling.
The execution of Nazi exterminatory policy was only made possible by the participation of these volunteer auxiliaries.
More than 5,000 guardsmen passed through
Trawniki during
the two and a half years of its activity. Some were organised into two battalions, each
comprising four companies of 100-200 men. One or two companies were permanently
stationed in
Lublin for security duties there, acting as part
of the main mobile units responsible for deportations from the ghettos and the mass executions
of Jews. A company-sized unit of 90-130 men was stationed at each of the
Aktion Reinhard
camps. Although subordinate to the
Aktion Reinhard commanders and staff, the guardsmen
continued to receive supplies and uniforms from, and were paid by, the
Trawniki training camp. Any found unsuitable for service in the
death camps for disciplinary or health reasons were sent back to
Trawniki
and replaced by others.
When a Jewish labour camp was constructed adjacent to the
Trawniki
training compound, the trainee guards were sent out on exercises, rounding up Jews in towns in the
Lublin District and bringing them into the labour camp.
Trawniki had become a central staging point for daily
Judenaktionen
("Jewish operations"), as
Wachmann Engelgard recalled:
"
The final part of the training course consisted of Jews selected from the labour
camp being shot individually by each Trawnikimann.".
At the conclusion of
Aktion Reinhard, the majority of Ukrainians were transferred to the
SS-Division "Galizien" in whose ranks they fought until defeated and destroyed by the Soviets at
Brody
in
1944. Writing of the
Warsaw Ghetto the poet
Yitzhak Katznelson commented bitterly in
1943:
"
The Ukrainians and the Germans are good companions. May the very memory
of these two nations be blotted from the world." A year later he was dead, gassed at
Auschwitz.
Not all
Wachmänner were recruited from the ranks of Soviet POWs. In
1942,
Bronislaw Hajda was an 18 year-old of Polish Goralian (Highlander) descent living
in the Polish town of
Jordanow. Having exhausted the
POW camps as a source of guardsmen, towards the end of that year the Germans began
recruiting among the civilian population from the
Jordanow area.
Hajda was one of those recruited. He arrived at
Trawniki on
9 January 1943, and having undergone
the necessary training, was one of 54 guards transferred to
Treblinka I, the forced labour camp situated 2 km
from the death camp
Treblinka II, arriving on
22 March 1943. According to guard rosters,
Hajda
remained in
Treblinka I (work camp) until the evacuation of the camp in
November 1943.
At proceedings brought against him by the U.S. Government in
1997, evidence was produced that
Hajda had beaten and shot prisoners and participated in the massacre of inmates
at the time of the liquidation of
Treblinka I.
Trawniki was evacuated around the same time as
other camps in the area, and the remaining guards became part of
Batallion
Streibel, named after its commandant. The Battalion's task was to force Polish
civilians to build fortifications against the advancing Red Army, operating under the
supervision of
SS Sonderstab Sporrenberg (SS Special Staff
Sporrenberg), headquartered at
Jedrzejow.
In
January 1945, fleeing before a new Soviet offensive,
the Battalion retreated to Germany, and many of its members went to
Medingen, near
Dresden.
Hajda was listed on the Battalion's roster as late as
6 April 1945. At the war's end, he became
one of the mass of displaced persons in the former
Reich. In
1950
he successfully applied for entry to the United States and in
1955 became a
naturalized U.S. citizen.
In common with similar legislation in other countries, the United States Immigration and Nationality
Act requires revocation of citizenship illegally procured or procured by concealment of a material fact
or by wilful misrepresentation.
The proceedings brought in the USA against
Fedorenko,
Hajda and others such as
Juozas Naujalis
and
Mykola Wasylyk resulted in these
Hiwis having their U.S.
citizenship revoked where this had been
falsely obtained, and their being served with deportation orders. These cases represent a
tiny minority of many probable examples of former Nazis or Nazi collaborators who were
granted post-war refugee status, not only in the United States, but also in Great Britain,
Australia, Canada and elsewhere. For the USA, it has been estimated that as many as
100,000 or 25% of those admitted to the country after
1945 were guilty of
misrepresenting their wartime affiliations and activities.
In Canada there have been a number of cases involving immigrants alleged to have obtained Canadian
citizenship through fraudulent means. Amongst these and the alleged activities involved were;
Helmut Oberlander (Ukrainian
Volksdeutscher translator with
Einsatzkommando 10a);
Wasyl Odynsky (Ukrainian guard at
Trawniki and
Poniatowa camps);
Vladimir Katriuk (Ukrainian, served with
Schutzmannschaft Battalion 118);
Walter Obodzinsky (Polish member of a
Schutzmannschaft battalion in
Turets and
Mir, then served in an
attack unit (
Jagdzug) in
Baranovichi). Some proceedings have resulted in
denaturalisation being confirmed, subject to appeal. Others cases have been dismissed.
|
Sheptitzky |
It would be quite wrong to assume that the entire population of the Ukraine, Byelorussia
and the Baltic States were rabid anti-Semites, Nazi sympathisers or uncaring bystanders.
In each of these countries there were those recognized by Yad Vashem as being "Righteous
Among Nations" for rescuing their fellow Jewish citizens. A notable example of such a
rescuer (although as yet unrecognized by Yad Vashem) was the head of the Ukrainian
Uniate (Greek-Catholic) Church in Galicia, Metropolitan
Andreas Sheptitzky.
Approached in
Lviv (Lwow) by two Rabbis to find hiding places for Jewish children,
Sheptitzky agreed and arranged for his brother, Father Superior
Clement Sheptitzky, spiritual head of the Uniate monasteries, and his sister, Sister
Josepha, the Mother Superior of the Uniate convents, to assist. 150 Jews, mainly
small boys and girls were given sanctuary. None was betrayed to the Germans. Metropolitan
Sheptitzky himself hid 15 Jews, including one of the Rabbis,
David Kahane, in his own residence in
Lviv,
a building frequently visited by German officials. The bravery and compassion of such individuals
serves to illustrate that there was an alternative to choosing either to collaborate with the
oppressors or to remain indifferent to the suffering of one's fellow countrymen.
Photos:
Latvian War Museum
*
Glowna Komisja (IPN - GKBZH)
*
Sources:
Hilberg, Raul.
The Destruction of the European Jews, Yale University Press, New Haven, 2003
Hilberg, Raul.
Perpetrators Victims Bystanders, Harper Collins, New York, 1993
Gutman, Israel, ed.
Encyclopedia of the Holocaust, Macmillan Publishing Company, New York, 1990
Gilbert, Martin.
The Holocaust – The Jewish Tragedy, William Collins Sons & Co. Limited, London, 1986
Arad, Yitzhak.
Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka - The Operation Reinhard Death Camps, Indiana
University Press, Bloomington and Indianapolis, 1987
Willenberg, Samuel.
Revolt In Treblinka, Zydowski Instytut Historyczny, Warsaw 1992
Porat, Dina.
The Holocaust in Lithuania – Some Unique Aspects.
In
The Final Solution – Origins and Implementation, David Cesarani (ed.), Routledge, London 1996
Browning, Christopher R.
Ordinary Men, HarperCollins, New York, 1993
motlc.wiesenthal.com
caselaw.lp.findlaw.com
www.join.org.au
*
www.ushmm.org
www.jewishgen.org/belzec
www.jewishgen.org/galicia
www.ajn.com/kalejs
www.cjnews.com
© ARC 2005