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| Ghettos * |
The concept of separating the living quarters of Jews from that of the rest of the population
originated in the early middle ages. It was based upon a form of theological and economic
anti-Semitism that attempted to restrict contact between Jews and Christians, although then
as now, Jews had a natural tendency to live in close proximity because of religious,
social and cultural requirements. In this they were, and are, no different from other religious
and ethnic minorities. The essential distinction was that whilst Jews may have previously
chosen to live in specific neighbourhoods, the creation of the ghetto forced them to do so.
The first ghettos appeared in Germany, Spain and Portugal in the
13th century. In
medieval Central Europe they existed in
Prague, Frankfurt am Main, Mainz, and elsewhere.
The
16th century Venice Ghetto was situated
in part of the city that had previously been an iron foundry (
getto in Italian).
Other terms as source of the word "ghetto" have been suggested:
"Ghetonia" - a Griko word for neighbourhood (Griko is a Greek dialect spoken in the Grecia Salentina area of Apulia in Southern Italy)
"borghetto" - which means "small neighbourhood" in Italian
"get" - "bill of divorce" in Hebrew.
The "Age of Enlightenment" and the social transformations that followed the French Revolution saw the gradual
abolition of the ghettos, until their reintroduction as part of the Nazis "New Order" in
Europe. Ghettos had never previously existed as such in Poland or in eastern Europe before
1939.
However,
until 1861 in many larger Polish towns, especially those that until the
end of the 18th century were the property of Polish kings, there were special Jewish
districts called "Jewish towns".
The Jews could only live in these districts and in the suburbs of these towns but they could
not live inside the towns' walls, in the so-called "Christian towns". The Jews were permitted
to trade with Christians and to even rent small shops in the Christian sector. This situation existed in
Krakow, Warsaw, Vilnius, Lublin and Lwow, for example. In the smaller
provincial towns, which in many cases were the private property of aristocratic families,
Jews were never permitted to live in the restricted districts or areas.
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| Glogow Malopolski |
Although the more radical Nazis were in favour of creating ghettos in Germany and Austria,
the idea was vetoed. Instead, Jews were concentrated in so-called "Jew Houses"
(
Judenhäuser), which although very far from pleasant, did not involve quite the
same restrictions as residing in a ghetto. It was with the invasion of Poland that the first Jewish
ghettos of the
20th century appeared. Their source was an instruction issued by
Reinhard Heydrich to the chiefs of the
Einsatzgruppen in
Poland on
21 September 1939, in which he stated, among other things:
"
For the time being, the first prerequisite for the final aim
is the concentration of the Jews from the countryside into the larger cities."
At a conference held in
Berlin that day,
Heydrich had explained that the concentration was to be in ghettos, in
order to ensure "a better possibility of control and later deportation." There were to be as few
"concentration centres" as possible, and only cities with good rail connections were to be
selected. From inception the ghettos were thus never intended to be more than a temporary
solution to what the Nazis termed the "Jewish Problem".
Heydrich's instructions made this clear, distinguishing between the "final aim",
which would require extended periods of time, and the stages leading to the fulfilment of the
"final aim", which would be carried out in the short term. The ghettos formed part of the short-term
solution. The "final aim" was as yet undefined.
Having stipulated the creation of the ghettos, albeit in vague terms, thereafter
Heydrich was content to leave their administration largely in the hands of
local German managers. Operating through the
Transferstelle of the
Ghettoverwaltung, or similar bodies,
responsible for both the maintenance and exploitation of the ghetto populace, these officials
offered two quite differing policies. On the one hand the "attritionists" viewed the elimination of the
Jews as the desired goal. Supposed Jewish wealth was to be extracted by means of
deliberate starvation. In the process, the more Jews that died the better. In
Lodz (renamed
Litzmannstadt
by the Germans), in the
Warthegau (Polish territory incorporated into the
Reich),
Alexander Palfinger, deputy to
Hans Biebow, head of the
Ghettoverwaltung, declared:
"
The rapid dying out of the Jews is for us a matter of total indifference, if
not to say desirable, as long as the concomitant effects leave the public interest of the German people untouched;
inasmuch, however, as these people in accordance with the instructions of the
Reichsführer-SS are to be made to serve the state interest, the most primitive
conditions for this must be created."
On the other hand, the "productionists" saw the benefit of utilising the incarcerated Jews as
a source of cost-free labour. The Jews would become self-sufficient, or even a source of profit. In
contrast to
Palfinger,
Walter Emmerich,
head of the Economic Division of the
Generalgouvernement,
stated in
Warsaw:
"
The starting point for all economic measures has to be the idea of maintaining the capacity
of the Jews to live. The question is whether one can succeed in solving this problem in a
productive manner, that is, to create so much work for the ghetto and to withdraw so much
output from the ghetto, that a balance is produced."
Both policies approached the same problem from different directions, for both were motivated
by the same economic consideration – that the Jews were not to become a financial burden
on the
Reich. In time, the "productionist" view gradually prevailed and Jewish labour
became an essential, if temporary, component of the German war effort in many ghettos (see
Aktion Reinhard Economics).
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| Assembled for Forced Labour |
The same economic considerations were evident in all Nazi anti-Semitic policy. It is important to
remember that there was no budget for genocide. The Jews were to pay for their own destruction.
In the
Reich, emigration had been possible – for a price. In the ghettos, the inmates
were forced to finance the erection of the walls and fences that surrounded them, to buy the
food, fuel and medicine they consumed, eventually even to discharge the fares for the trains
that deported them to the death camps. Denied the right to sustain themselves and their families
by engaging in financially productive employment and their professions, or to operate their
previously owned businesses, their only legitimate source of income was to utilise what little
remained of their monetary and material capital not already embezzled by the invaders, or to
become labourers, working for, at best, a pittance. The Jews were not kept alive to work –
they worked in order to remain alive.
Heydrich had ordered that the ghettos be functioning within 3-4 weeks
following the occupation of Poland. In practice, their establishment took much longer. The first
decree creating a ghetto (later considered unsuccessful by the Nazis) was issued in
Piotrkow Trybunalski as early as
8 October 1939.
Another early ghetto was that of
Pulawy in the
Lublin district, which was established at the
end of
November 1939 but was very quickly liquidated. The following month the Jews from
Pulawy were resettled to other towns, mainly to
Opole Lubelskie.
The first permanent
ghetto was established in
Tuliszkow in
December 1939 or
January 1940. Thereafter ghettos were only slowly introduced –
Lodz
in
April 1940,
Warsaw
October 1940,
Krakow March 1941,
Lublin April 1941. After the invasion of the
Soviet Union and the incorporation of Galicia into the
Generalgouvernement, the
Lwow Ghetto was established in
December 1941.
By the
end of 1941,
ghettoisation in the
Generalgouvernement was virtually complete, and with the
benefit of their experience in Poland, the Germans had introduced ghettos in the newly
conquered territories of the Soviet Union. Yet even here the process was often slow; the
last ghettos in Byelorussia were only established in
May 1942, nearly a year after the
occupation, and when tens of thousands of Byelorussian Jews had already been murdered.
The creation of the ghettos proved more difficult in reality than it had been in theory. Uprooting
the Jewish population, relocating them to a different city, then to a designated area within that
city, transferring the non-Jewish residents from the ghetto location, all combined to produce
a host of problems. The ghettos were only considered a temporary phenomenon and their
dissolution was initially perceived to be a matter of expulsion, although there is little doubt
that this would have equally resulted in the extermination of the Jews, albeit in a different
geographical setting and at a slower pace than subsequently ensued. As late as the
summer of 1941,
the chimera of forced emigration of the Jews, first to the
Lublin region,
then to Madagascar and finally to the furthest reaches of the Soviet Union, successively dangled tantalizingly before
the Nazis. None of these grandiose plans were realised; the "Final Solution of the Jewish
Problem" was to take a different form.
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| Przemysl |
If the timing of the formation of the ghettos was irregular, the category of ghetto was equally
inconsistent. Some ghettos were sealed; others were open. In rural areas numerous quasi-ghettos
were established. For example, in
Mielniki near
Sieniawa, a few Jewish families were housed at a farm
and employed in a nearby forest. They were unguarded and in the
summer of 1942 were executed
and buried at the farm grounds. Some Jewish communities, such as
Szydlowiec, were transformed into what were, in effect, ghetto towns.
Elsewhere, ghettos
were not formed at all. But wherever they did appear, there was one element of consistency.
The districts chosen to house the ghetto were inevitably situated in the most impoverished
parts of cities and towns. The housing was dilapidated, often with no piped water or electricity.
The number of people packed into the ghetto produced staggering levels of population density. In
Warsaw, 30% of the population were forced to live in 2.4% of the city's
area; the ghetto district occupied about 425 acres, of which 375 acres (approx. 152 hectares) was residential space.
The Germans calculated a density of 6-7 people per room in the
Warsaw Ghetto.
According to calculations made after the war the density actually reached 9.2 people per room, while
the population density of the ghetto as a whole rose to 128,000 per km
2. The allocated living space
of the ghetto in the town of
Checiny
was fixed at 2-2.5 m
2 per person. In the small ghetto of
Odrzywol, 700 people lived in an area previously occupied by 5 families,
so that between 12 and 30 people had to share a single small room.
Warsaw and
Lodz
were the two largest ghettos, together housing nearly one-third of Polish Jews under Nazi
control. Because of their size, the lack of food was a greater problem in these cities than in
some of the smaller conurbations, where the Jewish labour force was employed outside the
ghettos and trading with the local Polish population was possible. Nonetheless, malnutrition
and disease stalked the ghettos. Rations were deliberately fixed at a level impossible to
sustain life, and were often not delivered. When they were, they were frequently of the lowest
possible quality and inedible. Only the smuggling of food and other essentials made survival possible.
In the
Bialobrzegi Ghetto,
Hillel Chill Igielman recalled:
"
The only way to get food was to get out of the Jewish area, and try to get to farmhouses,
but if you were caught by the Germans you were shot. We were very cold as we could not
get any firewood to heat the house, so we tried to sneak out at night to break up wooden fences,
but if you were caught doing this the Germans would shoot you. The Germans knew Jews
were managing to escape to neighbouring villages, so they offered a reward of two pounds
of sugar to any Pole who would point out a Jew they knew had sneaked out. This meant it
was not just Germans we had to be on the lookout for but also Poles, especially young ones."
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| Begging for Food |
While an order of
Adolf Hitler kept the Polish population at a
minimal level of subsistence, the Jews, as the lowest rung on the Nazi's racial hierarchy, were
officially denied even that degree of sustenance.
Lodz provides a
telling example. In
October 1940, it was suggested that the Jews be provided
with "prison fare."
A few months later the auditor examining the ghetto administration's records calculated that Jews
were being fed at the rate of 23
Pfennig (less than 1/4
RM) per person, per day, under
half of the cost of prison
fare. The situation became so desperate in
January 1941 that potato scraps that had been
delivered for horse fodder were diverted to the factory soup kitchens. In
Warsaw, the military
Oberfeldkommandant reported on
20 May 1941:
"
The situation in the Jewish quarter is catastrophic. The corpses of those who have died
of starvation lie in the streets. The death rate, 80% from malnutrition, has tripled since February.
The only thing that is issued to the Jews is 1.5 pounds of bread per week. No one has yet
been able to deliver potatoes, for which the Jewish council made a prepayment of several millions..."
It was no better in the occupied territories of the Soviet Union. In his directive concerning the
treatment of Jews in the
Reichskommissariat Ostland of
13 August 1941,
Hinrich Lohse, the
Reichskommissar, ordered:
"
In the ghettos the Jews are to receive only as much food as the rest of the population can
spare, but not more than is required for their bare subsistence. The same applies to the
allocation of other essential goods."
The intolerable population density, inadequate hygienic and sanitary facilities – in the
Lodz Ghetto 95% of apartments had no sanitation, piped water or
sewers – almost complete lack of medical supplies, absence of fuel for heating, and starvation
rations, combined to produce conditions in which sickness and epidemics were inevitable.
Lice plagued the ghetto population. In the
Kutno Ghetto,
which the Germans nicknamed
Krepierlager ("Pegging out Camp"),
between March
and December 1941, 42% of all deaths were typhus patients. The overall mortality rate during
that period in
Kutno was almost ten times the pre-war rate,
for other contagious diseases were also commonplace. On
16 December 1941,
Wilhelm Kube,
Generalkommissar of Byelorussia wrote to
Lohse, pointing out that there were 22 epidemics prevalent in
Byelorussia at that time. No serum was available for their treatment. In Nazi ideology, the
Jews had always been regarded as the bearers of disease. Now, because of the conditions
the Nazis had themselves created, this took on the nature of a self-fulfilling prophecy.
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| Czestochowa |
If the pattern of establishment of the ghettos had been leisurely and lacked uniformity, that of the
Judenräte (Jewish Councils) was both rapid and consistent. The Nazis had
learned from the treatment of Jews in Germany the necessity of forming centralized Jewish
organizations, through which their orders and decrees could be implemented.
Heydrich's instructions of
21 September 1939
contained details of how the
Judenräte were to be established, where possible from "authoritative
personalities and rabbis." A decree of
Hans Frank of
28 November
1939 stipulated that in communities numbering less than 10,000 Jews the
Judenrat should
consist of 12 members; in communities of more than 10,000 Jews there were to be 24 members.
Many prominent Jews were reluctant to become members of a
Judenrat. This was hardly
surprising. It was evident that, insofar as the
Judenräte were to have any authority,
that authority would be derived from the Germans. In
Grodno,
for example, the Jewish community proposed that a body of representative Jews should not be
formed, since this would only make it easier for the authorities to carry out their policy of persecution.
Others advanced the argument that representatives were necessary to alleviate that very persecution.
Where it was found impossible to find Jews prepared to serve on the
Judenrat, as was the
case in
Lwow, the Germans themselves nominated the members.
In
Tarnopol (District Galicia) the first council members of the
Judenrat were nominated three times. The selected members of the first and second councils
were unacceptable to the Germans and almost all of these nominees, mainly pre-war Jewish activists
and intellectuals, were executed.
The first responsibilities of the
Judenräte were to conduct a census of the Jewish
population, arrange the delivery of confiscated property and "fines", and provide a supply of
Jewish forced labour. With the creation of the ghettos these duties expanded to include the
provision of food, the management of housing, industry, and health, as well as the appointment
of a ghetto police force (
Ordnungsdienst). As incarceration changed to extermination, the
Judenräte were forced to prepare lists of those to be transported to the death
camps.
At first the Councils had no indication whatsoever of the true meaning of "resettlement". The Germans
practised elaborate deceptions both before and during the
Aktionen. In
Rejowiec, the Council, assured by the authorities,
calmed the people, saying that nothing untoward was going to happen to them. A few hours later the
Council was ordered to call the Jews together on the outskirts of the town. All except the Council
chairman were then deported. Where liquidation of the ghetto was accomplished in instalments,
the Germans would lie reassuringly that the last
Aktion was the final one.
As knowledge of the death camps spread, many
Judenräte paid huge amounts in
bribes in an attempt to avoid the deportations, sometimes succeeding in deferring these for a few
days or weeks. But nothing could change the fate of the Jews.
The demand by the Germans for lists of deportees faced the
Judenräte with an impossible
dilemma. If they refused to provide the lists required, the Germans would simply choose those to
be deported themselves in a random and doubtless brutal fashion. It was apparent that the
ghetto as a whole could not be saved. Many
Judenräte concluded that it was better
to try and preserve the young, who would have a better chance of survival than the elderly and the
sick, or large families with small children. The anguished choices involved are graphically illustrated
by the description of the vice-chairman of the
Kovno (Kaunas) Ghetto:
"
The Council faced problems of conscience and responsibility at the
same time… There were two alternatives… Either to comply, announce the Gestapo order
to the ghetto inhabitants, and issue proper instructions to the Ghetto police; or openly to
sabotage the order by disregarding it. The Council felt that if it followed the first alternative, part,
or perhaps the majority, of the ghetto might yet be rescued at least for a time. Should however,
the other alternative be chosen, heavy measures of persecution would follow against the entire
ghetto, and possibly its immediate liquidation might result."
The
Judenräte thus found themselves with an increasing number of terrible
choices. Who was to be saved, who sacrificed? The members of the Councils were human
beings, and accordingly subject to a common range of human frailties and virtues. Some
co-operated with the Germans for reasons of personal advantage or ambition; others
struggled for rational answers to irrational problems and in some cases forfeited
their own lives rather than become accomplices to murder. One example among many; the
vice-chairman of the
Bilgoraj Judenrat,
Hilel Janover, and three council members,
Szymon Bin, Shmuel Leib Olender,
and
Ephraim Waksszul, were shot on
3 May 1942
for not executing an order to prepare a list of people for deportation to
Belzec. Ultimately, whether they chose to co-operate
or to resist, the fate of the
Judenräte and the communities they served was
to be the same, for nothing was to impede their annihilation.
The ghetto population was not static, particularly in the
Generalgouvernement districts
of
Krakow, Radom and
Lublin.
Jews were transported to many ghettos from neighbouring smaller towns and villages, from
other regions of Poland, and as the
Aktion Reinhard camps emptied the ghettos
of their original occupants, from other countries, such as Germany, Austria, the Protectorate,
and Slovakia. A striking example is the city of
Zamosc, where
of the pre-war population of about 12,000 Jews, all bar an estimated 5,000 fled to the Soviet
Union at the time of the German occupation. They were immediately replaced, however, by
Jews from neighbouring villages and 8,000 Jews from the incorporated territories. As the deportations to
Belzec began, other Jews were transported to the city from Germany and the
Protectorate. Only a few of the Jews who had lived in
Zamosc before
the war survived until the liquidation of the ghetto and the last deportation to
Izbica and subsequently to
Belzec.
Despite the immensely harsh conditions and the extraordinary difficulties involved, Jewish religious
and cultural life in the ghettos continued to be pursued, particularly in the larger cities. There are accounts
of musical, operatic and theatrical performances, and many examples of poetry and artwork have survived
to provide eloquent testimony to the terrible conditions of ghetto existence. Libraries were maintained and in
Vilnius (Wilna) a museum was established. Although education
was forbidden, children secretly attended school and adults continued to study religious texts. Jewish festivals
and religious holidays were covertly observed, marriages celebrated and ritual circumcision performed
on newly born male children.
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| Deportation |
The life span of the ghettos varied from place to place. Some existed for only a few months, others
for more than two years.
Lodz, the first major ghetto to
be established in
April 1940 was the last to be liquidated in
August 1944. By the time of the
final act, countless thousands had already died in the ghettos or had been executed on the outskirts
of the towns in which they had lived.
On
19 July 1942,
Heinrich Himmler ordered
Friedrich Wilhelm Krüger
(
Höherer SS- und Polizeiführer / HSSPF Krakau) and
Odilo Globocnik (
SSPF Lublin) to eliminate the
residual Jews of the
Generalgouvernement. By
31 December 1942, no Jews were to remain
unless they were in the ghettos of
Warsaw, Krakow,
Czestochowa, Radom and
Lublin.
By virtue of
Himmler's order these ghettos were to become
Sammellager, de facto concentration camps.
The
Aktion Reinhard squad from
Lublin, acting on
Globocnik's orders and led by
SS-Sturmbannführer
Hermann Höfle, ordered the Jewish administration in the ghettos
to select their fellow Jews for deportation. Hundreds were killed in every location during the course
of these
Aktionen. Long columns of starving victims marched to the assembly places,
called
Umschlagplatz. There the people were ordered to enter cattle cars, 100 or more
to each wagon. The
trains, consisting of as many as 50 wagons, transported the victims to the
death camps every day. Hunger in the ghettos had reached unimaginable proportions. To encourage
the Jews to voluntarily report for "evacuation", the Germans offered to provide those doing so with
a bread ration. In
Warsaw, 3kg (6.6 lbs) of bread and 1kg (2.2lbs) of
marmalade or jam was the inducement to report for deportation. Thousands did so. Even the few
who had led a life of relative comfort in the ghettos were unable to escape the murderous
Aktionen.
The deportees were largely ignorant of the destination of the transports, or
of what awaited them, for the Nazis would use expressions such as "evacuation" or "resettlement to
the East" in order to avoid panic. In time, a few Jews were able to escape from the death camps
and tell about the true destination of the trains and the fate of those deported.
Some ghettos were only established in the
second half of 1942, after the first deportations to
the death camps. The ghettos that were organised at that time were in most cases closed, and
officially were only for those people who had been selected for work. In fact, these ghettos were
used as concentration points for those who had survived the first deportations in hiding places,
and who had tried to find shelter outside of the Jewish districts. The "rest-ghettos" were established
in several larger towns in the
Generalgouvernement, as well as in smaller towns.
According an order by
Krüger, Jews could still stay in
54 localities in the
Generalgouvernement at the
beginning of 1943. In
May 1943 most of the
"rest-ghettos" were liquidated and the Jews who were still able to work were deported to
concentration and work camps such as
Majdanek,
Poniatowa,
Trawniki,
Plaszow,
Budzyn,
Janowska,
Blizyn, Skarzysko-Kamienna or
Szebnie. Others were killed in mass executions on the spot
or were deported to the death camps, mainly to
Sobibor,
Auschwitz-Birkenau or to the gas chambers at
Majdanek.
Only a small group of Jewish specialists were left in a very few places. They were imprisoned in
strictly separated work camps or in
Gestapo prisons after the final deportations; they
worked mainly for local SD offices until as late as
July 1944, as in
Lublin and
Chelm.
There is a common misconception that the Jews did not resist their persecutors, going passively to
their deaths. Resistance can take many forms, from armed struggle to simply a determination to
survive. Many of the victims were incapable of opposition – elderly persons, mothers, children,
worn down by years of neglect and abuse. Physical resistance was often only possible for politically
motivated young adults. There were many examples of this. Among the best known are the ghetto
uprisings in
Warsaw and
Bialystok, but armed resistance also occurred in ghettos such as
Czestochowa, Minsk Mazowiecki, Vilnius, and
Bedzin.
Faced by well-armed and trained troops, and surrounded by a native population who were largely
indifferent to their fate, the failure of these uprisings was never in doubt. But desperate times called for
desperate measures, and these acts of armed resistance by Jews, however hopeless, were to have
consequences that still resound today, for they were to provide those who survived with a determination
that Jews would never again become helpless victims.
Perhaps the most remarkable aspect of life in the ghettos was the determination of the Jews to
record their experiences. In
Warsaw, on the initiative
of Dr
Joseph Milejkowski, a group of doctors began
research into the clinical aspects of the starvation from which they themselves were suffering.
In many ghettos, a communal chronicle or diary was maintained. Some of these have been either
entirely or partially lost; those that have survived are considered the most important accounts of
ghetto life, among them the "Warsaw
Oneg Shabbat Archive" of Dr
Emanuel Ringelblum, and diaries of
Adam Czerniakow and
Chaim Kaplan,
as well as the composite chronicles of the
Lodz and
Kovno (Kaunas) ghettos. Other testimonies were maintained by people who
felt compelled to document their personal experiences for posterity. One of these was
Stefan Ernest, who succeeded in escaping from the
Warsaw Ghetto to the "Aryan" side of the city in
January 1943. In hiding as the ghetto was
liquidated, and knowing he could not survive, he wrote a history of the ghetto, concluding with these words:
"…I wish to repay fate for giving me a few weeks extension of life and to give testimony as to how
things really were. I want to believe and I do believe that my voice will not be alone in describing these
events and that there are and will be others who will present evidence as well. Better,
comprehensive, exact… The struggle to save myself is hopeless… But – that's not important.
Because I am able to bring my account to its end and trust that it will see the light of day when
the time is right… And people will know what happened… And they will ask, is this the truth?
I reply in advance: No, this is not the truth, this is only a small part, a tiny fraction of the truth…
Even the mightiest pen could not depict the whole, real, essential truth."
In the
Lodz Ghetto,
Jozef Zelkowicz wrote:
"
Son of man, go out into the streets. Soak in the unconscious terror of the newborn
babies about to be slaughtered. Be strong. Keep your heart from breaking so you'll be able to describe,
carefully and clearly, what happened in the ghetto during the first days of September in the year
one thousand, nine hundred and forty two."
For descriptions of a range of ghettos see:
Biala Podlaska,
Bialystok,
Bochnia,
Brody,
Czestochowa,
Grodno,
Jaworow,
Kielce,
Kolomyja,
Krakow,
Krasnystaw,
Lodz,
Lubartow,
Lublin,
Lvov,
Miedzyrzec Podlaski,
Minsk,
Piotrkow Trybunalski,
Przemysl,
Radom,
Radomsko,
Rawa Ruska,
Riga,
Rzeszow,
Siedlce,
Tarnow,
Terezin (Theresienstadt),
Tluszcz,
Tomaszow Mazowiecki,
Vilnius,
Warszawa (Warsaw),
Zamosc,
Zwolen.
For a town in which a ghetto was not established see:
Jozefow Bilgorajski.
See the
ARC Ghetto List!
Map:
Sir Martin Gilbert
*
Sources:
Gutman, Israel, ed.
Encyclopedia of the Holocaust, Macmillan Publishing Company, New York, 1990
Hilberg, Raul.
The Destruction of the European Jews, Yale University Press, New Haven, 2003
Gutman Yisrael.
The Jews Of Warsaw 1939-1943, Indiana University Press, Bloomington and Indianapolis, 1989
Arad Yitzhak, Gutman Israel and Margaliot Abraham, eds.
Documents On The Holocaust, University of
Nebraska Press, Lincoln and London, 1999
Browning, Christopher R.
The Origins of the Final Solution – The Evolution of Nazi Jewish Policy
September 1939 – March 1942, William Heinemann, London, 2004
Browning, Christopher R.
Nazi Policy, Jewish Workers, German Killers, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2000
Trunk, Isaiah.
Judenrat – The Jewish Councils in Eastern Europe under Nazi Occupation,
University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln, 1996
Dobroszycki, Lucjan, ed.
The Chronicle of the Lodz Ghetto 1941-1944, Yale University Press, New Haven and London, 1984
Herbert, Ulrich, ed.
National Socialist Extermination Policies – Contemporary German Perspectives
and Controversies, Berghahn Books, New York and Oxford, 2000
Gilbert, Martin.
The Boys – Triumph Over Adversity, Weidenfeld & Nicolson, London, 1996
Adelson, Alan and Lapides Roberts, eds.
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http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ghetto
© ARC (http://www.deathcamps.org) 2005
